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    <title>DSpace Collection:</title>
    <link>https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/436</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Sun, 09 Nov 2025 06:18:44 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T06:18:44Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>Reasons of Failure and Shortcomings in Afghan Political Settlements</title>
      <link>https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/506</link>
      <description>Title: Reasons of Failure and Shortcomings in Afghan Political Settlements
Authors: Naser Faqiryar, Wasal
Abstract: From the emergence until the collapse of the Marxist government, the war-torn Afghan&#xD;
nation from one side was gradually stepping away from the development track, and from&#xD;
the other side, anarchy was dominating the nation timely with a fickle difference in degree.&#xD;
After abolishing, the absence of a 'state' in Afghanistan and the country's abandonment as&#xD;
a derelict brought the novel era of civil war among conquerors (political parties), which&#xD;
intensified the mentioned multidimensional predicaments. To restore the earlier&#xD;
flourishment, former political parties deemed signing a political settlement—failure to&#xD;
adapt unified policy and point of view toward achieving the objectives by parties&#xD;
devastated peace and stability progress even after signing multiple agreements.&#xD;
By uprooting the economic oriented 'bargaining for power' theory, politically&#xD;
developing it in addition, and applying it in the Afghan case of political settlements, this&#xD;
thesis describes the four political settlements achieved between 1992 to 2014 to find the&#xD;
linkage between the variable of ‘political settlements’ to its independent variable of&#xD;
‘durability’. Furthermore, this thesis analyzes reasons for shortcomings and flaws,&#xD;
meticulously reviewing the available literature, conducted interviews with the Afghan&#xD;
government's former minister, Discourse analysis of attended political ceremonies&#xD;
regarding balloting for ministers in the parliament, and personal meetings with an&#xD;
influential businessman and a government official.&#xD;
This study extracted the following internal (A-F) and external (1-2) factors with&#xD;
mixed research methods as results to find out the posed query. A) null and void&#xD;
consideration of the political settlements and lack of commitment to its full implementation&#xD;
between the signatories, B) misuse of ethnic and racial divisions by party leaders to achieve&#xD;
a superior position over rivals, C) internal economic crisis and poverty as the factor of&#xD;
citizen silence regarding wrong decisions and movements, D) Power monopolization and&#xD;
the dearth of a unified policy among parties, E) Manipulating and ploy of the opponent/s&#xD;
using the preeminent vacuums in the text of the agreement or superior regulations, and F)&#xD;
character destruction and blaming of the adversaries. 1) Using Afghanistan as a land to&#xD;
counterattack rival ideologies, and 2) Indo-Pakistan rivalry.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Dec 2020 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/506</guid>
      <dc:date>2020-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Blogging in Uzbekistan: Raising Social and Political Issues and Self-Censorship</title>
      <link>https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/505</link>
      <description>Title: Blogging in Uzbekistan: Raising Social and Political Issues and Self-Censorship
Authors: Sherkhanova, Umida
Abstract: Since 2016, the year of power transition in Uzbekistan, some significant changes have taken place in the republic in different spheres. Reducing restrictions on freedom of speech is among them. In this atmosphere the influence of bloggers has increased. They provide the audience with independent reporting as well as create platforms for open public discussions both social and political issues. This study is aimed at investigation of the peculiarities of bloggers messages on social and political issues. In this respect, this study asks: In what form are social and political issues raised by bloggers in Uzbekistan? In order to provide a deliberate analysis two subquestions have been put: In what form are social issues raised? In what form are political issues raised? Based on a review of the literature, as well as discourse analysis of the interviews both on youtube.com channel and blog messages of five popular Uzbekistani bloggers the study has provided the following results. First, Uzbekistani bloggers raise social issues freely using sarcasm, encouragement and creation of platforms for conversations with their readers given the fact that they have an opportunity to influence the situation in different social spheres, including education, city infrastructure, and etc. Second, they practice self-censorship when it comes to raise political issues given the factors that, on the one hand, they cannot influence the political situation in the state and, on the other hand, they are afraid of consequences of their statements. Thus, the results indicate that the situation in the freedom of speech in Uzbekistan has improved, however it concerns mostly the spheres that do not regard the essence of political regime. This aspect is closed for any discussions by bloggers who are nowadays one of the actors helping the population to solve their everyday problems.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Dec 2020 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/505</guid>
      <dc:date>2020-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kyrgyzstan’s Membership in the Eurasian Economic Union: Some Results in Economic Sphere</title>
      <link>https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/504</link>
      <description>Title: Kyrgyzstan’s Membership in the Eurasian Economic Union: Some Results in Economic Sphere
Authors: Estebes uulu, Tynchtyk
Abstract: International economic integration has become one of the characteristic features of modern international economic relations. It became obvious that without the development and strengthening of economic, political, cultural and other ties between the countries, none of them can successfully develop. Over the past 30 years, various regional integration processes have been taking place in the post-Soviet space, because of which regional integration associations have emerged. One of these regional integration associations is the Eurasian Economic Union. Kyrgyzstan joined this regional association on August 12, 2015, becoming the fifth and so far, the last member of the Eurasian Economic Union. Joining a regional association of this size is always accompanied by advantages and disadvantages for new members. In this regard, the thesis examines both the advantages and disadvantages of Kyrgyzstan’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union. The dependence of the Kyrgyz economy on migrant remittances has become a decisive factor in the country’s entry into the regional association. Since remittances affect the income of the population and its purchasing power, the growth of the country’s GDP. Another advantage was the establishment of the Russian-Kyrgyz Development Fund. The Fund’s activities have had a positive impact on the country’s financial market, domestic production, employment, and the structure of the country’s foreign trade. The main disadvantage of Kyrgyzstan’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union is associated with the low level of development of the country’s economy. There was no constant inflow of foreign direct investment into the economy of Kyrgyzstan from the countries participating in the integration association. The possible increase in agricultural exports to the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union, which was predicted before joining, has become unreachable. On the contrary, there were cases of unilateral closure of the border by Kazakhstan, there were cases of return of agricultural products from Russia and Kazakhstan. The thesis notes that Kyrgyzstan needs to use natural resources, hydro resources and tourism potential for the development of the country’s economy within the framework of participation in the Eurasian Economic Union. Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union is only five years old, it is too early to draw final and full conclusions and results about the real impact on the socio-economic development of the country.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Dec 2020 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/504</guid>
      <dc:date>2020-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Politics of Military Base Hosting in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan</title>
      <link>https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/503</link>
      <description>Title: Politics of Military Base Hosting in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan
Authors: Shokirov, Shokirjon
Abstract: In 2012, the governments of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan signed bilateral agreements with Russia extending the presence of Russian military bases in Tajikistan until 2042 and in Kyrgyzstan until 2032. Following the visits of the Russian President and Foreign Minister to Kyrgyzstan in 2019, the possibility of the deployment of another Russian base in the south of the country and expansion of the territory of existing Russian military facilities have caused a huge public outcry concerning the sovereignty. These events have promoted regular discussions among representatives of public officials, academics, and media about the regaining of the leading geopolitical role by Russia in Central Asia and about sovereignty of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. However, these issues are understudied by scholars from the perspective of host states. Hence, to contribute to the scholarly works from the latter perspective, this thesis examines the question of how governments of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan justify the hosting of Russian military bases to their respective citizenries. The case studies of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are analyzed and explored comparatively through content and discourse analysis of government official statements, speeches, interviews and bilateral agreements on military base presence. The results of this study reveal that governments of both countries justify the Russian military base hosting through security issues as threats from Afghanistan and terrorism, alliance orientation within the CSTO and by seeking generous quid pro quo rewards. Comparative analysis, in this regard, shows that there is a different level of pressure on governments of two countries in the hosting of Russian bases associated with regime differences and diverse physical and functional parameters of Russian military bases.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Dec 2020 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://mt.osce-academy.kg/handle/123456789/503</guid>
      <dc:date>2020-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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